INTRODUCTION

The Central Mediterranean Route is considered one of the most dangerous routes that asylum-seekers undertake to reach Europe. The migratory route involves irregularly crossing the desert to reach either Libya or Tunisia, then boarding makeshift boats to attempt to land into Italian shores. Boats mainly aim to reach Sicily, the southernmost Italian region. Since 2014, around 19,500 people have been reported dead or missing at sea while undertaking the crossing (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2023a). Many other atrocities concerning the land route remain numerically unaccounted for (UNHCR, 2018). The risks that asylum-seekers encounter are multifaceted. First, these relate to terrestrial and climactic conditions, such as traveling not only across the desert and sea but also across mountains and rivers, especially in winter, with very few resources. Second, there are human traffickers who force asylum-seekers to undertake the journey due to their own interests. Third, asylum-seekers risk being abused by state authorities across Africa and Europe. Survivors have reported different forms of abuse, such as kidnapping and physical torture, sexual abuse, and forced starvation, with the frequent intent of extortion (McMahon & Sigona, 2018; UNHCR, 2018).

Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) currently operate within the Northern African states, the Mediterranean Sea and Sicily, directly addressing the situation (Cusumano, 2018), as a direct response to minimize deaths (Esperti, 2020). On land, several organizations operate within refugee camps or interested areas, targeting different aspects of refugee well-being through different interventions. Central to these differing operations is the necessity to provide safer options for border-crossing to the asylum-seeking populations.

Within this multiplicity of interventions, sport is being used by various organizations to contribute to achieving broader goals of development (see Associazione Don Bosco 2000, nd; Liberi Nantes, nd). Namely, these NGOs are primarily addressing the necessity of providing safety and well-being, along with many interrelated global goals, such as reducing inequalities, promoting justice and peace, and reducing hunger (United Nations General Assembly, 2015). The value of sport is harnessed in an attempt to address these developmental trajectories, aligning with the concept of ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ (SDP) (Kidd, 2008).

SDP ranges from being a movement to a proper occupational environment, with an ongoing professionalization of the sector continuously occurring across the globe, especially within NGOs and academic settings (Kidd, 2008; McSweeney et al, 2021). SDP is defined as “the intentional use of sport and physical activity as a tool to contribute to the development and peace goals, including the Commonwealth goals of democracy and development” (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2015, p. v).

The multidisciplinarity of SDP research represents both a challenge and an advantage (Massey & Whitley, 2018). On one hand, finding a common ground is problematic when many disciplinary lenses are involved, thus generating exceptionally valid but isolated findings (Massey & Whitley, 2018; Whitley et al, 2022). On the other hand, such multidisciplinarity means that the SDP sector can tap relevantly into numerous fields of inquiry (Massey & Whitley, 2018; Giulianotti et al, 2019). Scholars argue that SDP is now a distinct field of international development, working within familiar networks and echo chambers that may deter the growth of the field (Giulianotti et al, 2019; Whitley et al, 2022). Innovations in SDP are thus necessary to advance the field, especially when recognized that innovations are shaped by external stakeholders and intraorganizational conditions (Svensson & Hambrick, 2019; Svensson & Mahoney, 2020). Therefore, scholars are advocating for an outward-looking approach, that goes beyond narrow SDP networks, but includes new stakeholders, and engagement with the wider development sector (Giulianotti et al, 2019).

Following such an approach, this contribution provides insights to advance forward knowledge and practice in SDP, through a collaborative effort between the academic and organizational sectors. It combines the theoretical expertise of the academic author with the practical knowledge of the organization in the field, to co-propose a direction for the SDP sector working with refugee populations. First, it presents an under-explored SDP scenario, through the presentation of contextually unique characteristics of Mediterranean forced migration. As a border zone, with processes involving cooperation between Global North and South, it is a situation and model that can inform the debate surrounding North-South relationships in SDP. Second, it connects SDP practices with developmental practices in the agricultural sector, innovating the field through multidisciplinary contribution (Whitley et al, 2022). It confronts SDP with the agricultural sector, showing what can be learned from the field and the successful pairing of work and leisure for the development sector. Lastly, it combines the theoretical expertise of the academic author with the practical knowledge of the actors in the field, to co-propose a direction for the SDP sector working with refugee populations. It does so by proposing a work methodology, circular cooperation, that challenges neocolonial tendencies in SDP.

This paper is structured as follows. First, it explains the concept of ‘circular cooperation’ as practiced by Associazione Don Bosco 2000 in Sicily, The Gambia, Senegal, and Mali, and examines the topic through a transdisciplinary developmental perspective. Second, it critically addresses the value of football for the interested population of Central Mediterranean asylum-seekers. Third, in bringing together the two preceding sections, the paper proposes how SDP initiatives intersect with the methodology of circular cooperation. Finally, it concludes by addressing the effectiveness of the circular cooperation model in preventing dangerous crossings in the Mediterranean, thus the potential of SDP initiatives to generate outstanding livelihood outcomes for the interested population through innovative, multidisciplinary, and intersectoral cooperation.

Circular Cooperation and Achieving Livelihood

This section defines and explains circular cooperation, as theorized and operationalized by Associazione Don Bosco 2000.

Based in Sicily, Associazione Don Bosco 2000 was founded in 1998 with the objective to “promote the integral formation of man by paying particular attention to young people and to the emergencies of our time” (Associazione Don Bosco 2000, 2022). Their work, in relation to Central Mediterranean refugees, concerns specific initiatives to provide legal assistance, rehabilitative and psychological support, health-related services, and education, to support their resettlement. Within this offer, Associazione Don Bosco 2000 promotes diverse sport activities aimed to facilitate the provision of these diverse services. Associazione Don Bosco 2000 provides football-based activities with community-based youth teams, a multi-ethnic men’s team and a women’s team. In the past, missionaries following the Salesian philosophy of Don Giovanni Bosco, have provided football for children in war-torn Liberia, in an attempt to provide a different career pathway to the militia, offering a social alternative to violence and criminal practices (Armstrong, 2004; Giulianotti & Armstrong, 2011).

The concept of circular cooperation is central to this contribution. Circular cooperation is rooted in the notion of circular migration. Circular migration, at its core, can be defined as “the process of leaving and then returning to one’s place of origin” (Newland, 2009, p.6), often related to employment, livelihood, and life-cycles (Newland, 2009). The concept overlaps with the ultimate goal of seeking refuge: receiving protection until you are able to return safely (Crisp, 2000). Indeed, for successful returns to happen, individuals need to be economically and psychologically ready, something that needs to be fostered and prepared during their time under refuge (Crisp, 2000; Carr, 2014). Moreover, return does not necessarily mean the end of the migration of an individual (Carr, 2014).

Instead, within circular cooperation, circularity presumes the continuous movement of resources between the North and South. Circular migrants are first hosted by the NGO, after being rescued from the Mediterranean. Here they are provided with psychological and legal support, to properly settle in the Italian system. After this initial support they are provided with education, training, and leisure to facilitate their inclusion in the local community. The objective of the NGO is to enable the individual to find a job and be self-sufficient during their stay. Ultimately, once it is safe to do so and if the former refugee decides to go back home, the NGO provides further training and support towards repatriation. Refugees are assisted in setting up start-up activities that directly address the needs of the community of origin. For example, they set up vegetable gardens and chicken coops. Leading these initiatives, circular migrants provide work opportunities and means of sustainment for their communities. They then cyclically return to Sicily, to continue their training and share empirical knowledge with the NGOs, cooperating in identifying further elements of positive development for their communities of origin. The concept of circular cooperation thus changes the subject of the movement from a ‘migrant’ to a ‘co-operator’. La Cara & Sella (2022), define the circular co-operator as a Central Mediterranean migrant who, after being welcomed in the reception centre in Sicily, decides to go back to their own country of origin. They are being informed of and trained on development opportunities, to create start-up activities that generate economic growth in their community of origin, thus providing an alternative to forced migration. They are then allowed to cyclically come back to Italy, to continue training and report processes and outcomes, therefore contributing to better provision and circulation of best practices (La Cara & Sella, 2022).

For example, Alex¹ is a current circular co-operator of Associazione Don Bosco 2000. Alex was rescued in the Mediterranean in 2016, and was then transferred to the reception centre of Aidone, where Associazione Don Bosco 2000 operates. In 2018, Alex was able to return to his home country for the first time and reunite with his family. With the help of Associazione Don Bosco 2000, he had set up a farm in the village, to feed the community and provide jobs. He now cyclically comes back to Italy, where he receives training and support for the ongoing care of the farm.

This project has been developed by co-operators since 2016, when the first returnee returned to his village of origin in Senegal. There, the former asylum-seeker became a mediator for Associazione Don Bosco 2000 and the local representatives of their Senegalese village of origin, who eventually co-operated to create three agricultural start-ups in three under-resourced villages, directly addressing hunger within the area. Two years later, the project was repeated in the Gambia, where further vegetable gardens are created. Currently, the same agricultural start-ups are under development in Mali.

It is possible, in this case, to see how the success of circular cooperation intersects deeply with the field of agriculture. The domains of agriculture and development are profoundly interconnected, with the existence of an ‘agriculture for development’ (AFD) movement since the early 1970s (Byerlee et al, 2009), in similar fashion to SDP. Indeed, agriculture has the power to trigger economic growth, reduce poverty, provide food security, and address environmental issues (Byerlee et al, 2009). Nonetheless, while SDP has seen steady growth over the years (Schulenkorf et al, 2016; Suzuki, 2018), researchers have argued for an underutilization of agriculture to harness development, in contrast with ongoing processes of urbanization (Byerlee et al, 2009). The potential of AFD in sub-Saharan Africa is currently unrealized, yet provides a clear direction for reducing poverty and ensuring food security (Conceição et al, 2016). Indeed, poverty reduction has proven to be more effective through increased productivity in agricultural and rural areas rather than transformative urbanization of such areas (Christiaensen & Todo, 2014; De Janvry & Sadoulet, 2020).

There is much overlap and complementarity between what aspects of development are addressed by SDP and AFD. AFD literature focuses mostly on the economic aspects of development, due to the ability to directly address hunger and poverty. Among the thematic areas of SDP commonly identified, hunger and poverty are connected to the ‘Sport and Livelihoods’ thematic areas, where financial independence and its associated benefits play a key role (Schulenkorf et al, 2016; Svensson & Woods, 2017). Nonetheless, research on SDP and livelihoods is limited (Schulenkorf et al, 2016; Schulenkorf, 2017), even if more studies have been conducted in recent years (see McSweeney et al, 2020). Particularly, few studies have directly analyzed SDP programs with an intended outcome of increasing employability (Whitley et al, 2017; Warner et al, 2020). The role of sport towards migrant resettlement has been questioned, as acculturation through sport does not necessarily lead to increased livelihood (Smart et al, 2020).

Therefore, we would like to frame the discussion within the ‘Livelihoods’ theme. The reason lies in the enabling nature that safety possesses for wider discussions on livelihoods, as a basic need to achieve “job skills, training, employability, rehabilitation and the creation of social enterprises” (Schulenkorf et al, 2016, p.34).

Circular cooperation in AFD addresses all the elements mentioned above by Schulenkorf and colleagues (2016). As seen in the work of Associazione Don Bosco 2000, asylum-seekers are rehabilitated in Sicily after their journey. Then, they are provided with training that will enhance their job skills and employability, wherever they desire it to be (within Sicily or back to their home country). Once they are ready and willing to go back, they create agricultural start-ups, further contributing to their own livelihoods and the livelihood of their community.

The Football Dream – Realization of the Self

We now present the value of football for forced migrants in the Mediterranean. While exceptions occur, for many male refugees in Sicily football represents a dream, and has been a key factor in choosing to flee towards Europe. As expressed by a refugee rescued by Associazione Don Bosco 2000: “That’s why I came in Europe, because there are opportunities about football. I start well here, I am doing my best. […] That’s my dream.” (Musa, 19, The Gambia)

Here we see how the motivations to flee intersect with the personal interest and the opportunities that are found in Europe. In order to grab these opportunities, the refugee has undertaken the Central Mediterranean Route, risking his life. The opportunity here is represented by the level of development that football has reached in Europe, and the dream to become a footballer within this scenario (Esson, 2015).

The problem that this posits is properly explained by the extensive research conducted by Darby et al. (2022) on football in Africa. Drivers of the football dream can be seen in a desire for upward social mobility in a process of ‘becoming a somebody’, which is perceived to be better achieved through migration (Darby et al, 2022). Indeed, rescued refugees who also play for the local team of the reception centre, indicate the support of fans as one of the most positive elements associated with football. Albeit the small size of the town and the developmental nature of the team, the warmth of the local citizens is an element of fandom that feeds into a process of self-realization and perceived inclusion:

[Football] It gave me a lot. Like the fans… every time I go outside, they tell me “how are you? Let’s take a picture!”. It is a beautiful thing. […] Yes, I am an idol for children (laughs). Every time I go outside they ask me to take a picture (Samba, 21, The Gambia)

Many young boys focus on their football career in spite of formal education. They perceive traditional education as an obstacle to their football career. While the arguments made by young refugees seem to be counter-developmental, contextually it must be noted that football represents to them a matter of identity, and Europe is perceived as a scenario where their identities can be realized, fulfilled, and recognized (Esson, 2015). This realization positively affects their well-being, as they undertake the journey to fulfil their dreams, providing them with a strong motivation to move forward. Nonetheless, football is a closed system, and for many that achieve this dream and its associated realization, there are many more who are left behind in a phase of involuntary immobility and very little resources (Agergaard & Ungruhe, 2016; Darby et al, 2022).

Development is perceived by African males as freedom through spatial mobility (Esson, 2013, 2015). Such an idea of development is reinforced by the frequent portrayal of successful African footballers in the media, where the depiction of their European success reinforces the necessity of mobility to achieve the realization of the self (Ungruhe & Esson, 2017).

Moreover, there is little evidence that supports the efficacy of SDP in Africa (Langer, 2015). The caution that such absence implies, combined with the effects that football has in fostering irregular migration, suggests that football may not be the best sport for SDP agencies to utilize in Africa.

Yet, the fact that football represents a dream for many young boys in the continent cannot be ignored, especially considering the frequently advocated necessity to include user-group voices in SDP provision (Collison & Marchesseault, 2018). The application of football for SDP in Africa should therefore be informed by the underlying reasons for young African males to take part in the sport. Where the aim is safeguarding, football should be tailored and framed within the premises that its ‘value’ can be used for the development of livelihoods.