FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The purpose of our study was to explore the socio-managerial challenges and opportunities of a netball-based SFH program in low-uptake villages in Tonga. In this section, we outline and discuss key findings under the five themes identified: strategic management of volunteer network, sociocultural barriers, public space management, events and tournaments as incentives, and collaboration across local and national sports. We present our findings against the background of previously conducted health outcome evaluations of the initiative (Keane et al., 2020). Although these do not present the main focus of our paper, the following snapshot of key quantitative results is important to highlight a number of encouraging outcomes that have started to emerge as a result of the positive uptake of netball activities.

Snapshot of Program Outcome Evaluations

The quantitative results demonstrated the impact of the program on netball participation and the volume of leisure-time PA. First, when reviewing netball participation, there was a large increase in the mean frequency of participation each week from baseline (0.2 time per week) to 6 months follow-up (4.1 times per week). Second, there was also a large increase in the mean duration of leisure-time PA from baseline (18 minutes) to the 6 months follow-up (421 minutes). These improvements were underpinned by positive changes in numerous personal, social and environmental mediating factors (for further detail, see: Keane et al., 2020). This suggests that with appropriate resources and local support, it is possible to achieve desired program outcomes and although the sustainability of impacts remains to be assessed in follow-up studies, these encouraging results led us to investigate and understand some of the managerial aspects that led to—or underpinned—the program.

Strategic Management of Volunteer Network

A key emerging theme was the importance of developing a local volunteer network to foster local community engagement. Specifically, TNA had been able to establish a vital network of over 30 women across all areas of Tonga’tapu who regularly volunteered at TNA-organized tournaments as umpires and referees, attempted to stimulate netball participation in their villages, participated in TNA netball activities, and attended TNA tournaments to assist paid staff with operational tasks. Rather than acting independently from one another, these individuals perceived themselves to be part of a wider “netball community” that created a shared sense of identity and belonging. In fact, this shared sense of belonging fostered their ongoing commitment and drive to improve netball participation in their villages, as one VVC stated, “It kind of makes me feel like a part of something—like a family, and you don’t want to lose it. I see the passion that everybody works with and it means that I work hard, too.”

Members of the volunteer network actively engaged in the development and fine-tuning of the NOP program across the 10 villages, as such—and under the leadership of local VCCs—volunteers enjoyed a level of freedom when working with the local community to achieve the best outcomes in culturally appropriate ways. In other words, through partnerships with village members VCCs and their supporters were able to increase opportunities for cooperation and support, which benefited the uptake of PA and improved netball capacity across villages. This was highlighted by one TNA staff member:

I think it all comes down to the volunteers. If you do more, then you know what that village needs and you can do what they want, and you can make sure that more people get involved and receive the training. If people don’t go out and engage people from the village, then teams won’t get together and opportunities are lost.

In all villages across the intervention, the VVCs were personally committed to the program and its goals. They were dedicated to trying to improve netball participation and get people in their communities active, particularly women and girls. This commitment and the growing volunteer network resulted in the development of a “social sport system” at the village and regional level, which was clearly targeted to those who would benefit most from a dedicated SFH initiative. In fact, this strategic and committed focus on “for-health” proved to be a critical success factor—something that the organizers of many previous social sport initiatives have struggled to achieve, as they focused too much on traditional sport development outcomes or had an insufficiently engaged and/or appropriated skilled volunteer workforce (Chawansky, 2021; Clutterbuck & Doherty, 2019; Giulianotti et al., 2021). In other words, although previous SFD programs have at times struggled to avoid a “mission drift” by attracting already sports-minded or active sportspeople (e.g., Raw et al., 2021), the NOP program through its locally embedded volunteer network managed to stay on path to secure participation from largely inactive members of Tongan society.

In rural Tonga, the VVCs acted as important local change agents; they were trusted by the community and had the ability to actively and meaningfully encourage others to participate—qualities that external change agents would not necessarily possess. In building on Schulenkorf’s (2010, 2012) argument that external change agents are significant initiators of many SFD projects, we contest that this netball program would not have been established or developed successfully without committed internal change agents working across all stages of the program. The initial design of the NOP initiative was externally supported by an expert member of the research team (bringing expertise in health and PA) and the Netball Australia program manager (bringing expertise in netball and funding). Still, local change agents played a central role in co-starting the program and contributing to its development and growth across villages. From a management perspective, the engagement between external and internal change agents followed the principles of Schulenkorf’s (2010) model for community empowerment. At the beginning of the initiative, external change agents did yet have a significant degree of control but the responsibility and ownership of the program progressively shifted towards the local TNA and VCCs who eventually managed the NOP without external influence. Success in transferring ownership to local organizers is an all-but-certain outcome in the world of SFD and international development more widely (Schulenkorf, Sugden, & Burdsey, 2014; Wallis & Lambert, 2014). In the case of the NOP, success was built on the local commitment of the national sporting body, the carefully and strategically selected VCCs, and the close network that was jointly formed with local communities.

Sociocultural Barriers

The island nation of Tonga provides a unique geographical and sociocultural context. On the main island Tonga’tapu, there are 36 towns and villages that have distinct value systems and community identities. The focus groups highlighted the importance of recognizing the facilitators and barriers to PA in each specific locality. These went beyond the well-established challenges of establishing and sustaining organized sport interventions in rural communities, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. For example, during the first phase of implementation, netball posts and courts were built in each village to ensure that the appropriate infrastructure was available. However, in one location, community members removed the netball posts from the field of play. TNA staff members later revealed that this particular village identified as a “soccer village” and community members were simply not open to engaging with a new sport.

We previously described the efficacy of working with local volunteers to understand sociocultural nuances and tailor interventions. In this case, local knowledge was consulted and hence, the subsequent rejection from parts of the wider community came somewhat unexpected. As such, this example demonstrates that while listening to a range of local voices in each village community is important, the community engagement process is often incredibly complex and easier said than done. In this case, discussions with village members—and especially those with no interest in sport—may not have been detailed or varied enough. But perhaps this example speaks more to the imperfect nature of community engagement processes per se, which are bound to result in sociocultural challenges when questions of preference, identity and tradition are at play (Sugden, 2010). In our case, the varied reactions to netball highlight that even on a small island such as Tonga’tapu, there are distinct differences in beliefs and social norms across villages and regions, even if they are only a few kilometers apart.

Another socio-cultural challenge was identified around female participation in sport. In Tongan society, women are largely responsible for childcare and domestic duties—something that has previously been highlighted as a barrier to sport and PA in the Pacific region (Siefken, Schofield, & Schulenkorf, 2014; Turk et al., 2013). In the context of the NOP initiative, attending to household and childcare duties was frequently discussed as a challenge to netball participation, as one local player shared:

I started playing netball at school but I have a child now, so I stopped playing because there is no one to look after the children if I play. Sometimes I can play if I can bring my children along.

Another participant stated, “I choose to not play netball because I have many children, so there is no one to take care of them. . . . I want to play netball but the kids make it too difficult.”

Finding a solution to this cultural barrier seemed difficult but two suggestions were made. Firstly, volunteer-based community arrangements for child supervision could provide an effective means to allow mothers to participate. If funding for such an initiative cannot be provided, a “player community” may share the responsibility of child minding around the courts. And second, it was suggested that targeted promotions highlighting the need for mothers to be physically active and healthy may assist in changing stereotypes, especially if they are directed at the women’s husbands. In fact, it was strongly emphasized that negative sociocultural attitudes towards women’s sport critically impacted netball engagement and here, support of husbands was perceived the most critical factor for positive change. One netball participant stated:

There are challenges to get women to play, as they have husbands and kids. It is so much easier for married ladies with supportive husbands. There is a lady in our netball [team] and the husband didn’t support her and every time we called her to come, she really wanted to join in, but the husband said no.

In line with previous sport management and SFD research (Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011; Sherry et al., 2017), this finding highlights the need for bespoke programming that is considerate of local realities. As a female-focused program, it is critical to set aside a safe and supportive space for women that facilitates opportunities for regular sport and activity (Spaaij & Schulenkorf, 2014). Including ‘significant others’ in this process is also critical, even though cultural norms are slow to change (Hayhurst, 2013). Overall, it is imperative to have a strong knowledge of the target group and consider local circumstances when developing and implementing tailored SFH programs.

Public Space Management

To foster participation in each village, netball courts were set up in open community spaces. These spaces were all grass-based and court line markings were made using petrol. During focus group sessions, it was apparent that the location of the netball court was an important factor for engagement. In the villages of Fatumu, Fua’amotu, Ha’alalo, and Kanokupolu the netball courts were centrally located, which assisted in showcasing the sport to the wider community. The importance of accessibility and visibility was highlighted by one VVC:

At the start, there were only a few people, but then it started to grow and more people came to play. It developed from the number of players each day and people could see others were getting involved. We started off with two teams and then it developed and we then had three teams because the court is visible in the village.

Another VVC stated:

If we train here on the court, the neighbors are all sitting around watching, which is good. I invited the next village team to training, so we had a game and they sit around the court and watch. It gets the community involved and helps people to see netball.

Creating a netball court in the center of the community was critical in the context of creating an accessible, supportive environment and potentially challenging structural barriers and normative assumptions about female sport participation. The village of Liahona provides a strong case example, highlighting the challenges when the court location is less than ideal. In this village, the netball court was a 10-minute walk from the main community hub. Participants suggested that this distance was perceived as too far away. Although some women simply decided not to participate, other community members would wait to be driven to the court. One participant stated:

The court needs to move because the court was on the other side of the village and … it is too far to walk there. We don’t often go to the other part of the village… and so the location of the court makes a difference in how motivated people are to play.

Perceptions such as these must not be ignored. In fact, they are important considerations for sport managers, as they are reflective of wider sociocultural norms and realities in which extreme sedentary lifestyles prevail (Siefken, Schofield, & Schulenkorf, 2014). In other words, it remains a challenge for SFH programmers to find the right balance between providing suitable program locations and active transport on the one hand, and to encourage walking and the changing of norms around PA on the other. This is further complicated by the concept of providing a safe and inclusive space for women to play (Spaaij & Schulenkorf, 2014). Some women may feel shy and self-conscious in a highly visible space; others may feel that their participation could lead to their husband’s discomfort with them being physically active in public (Siefken, Schofield, & Schulenkorf, 2014). Here, questions around space management and socio-cultural challenges come together and provide critical challenges for SFH mangers.

In addition to choosing the right location for netball courts, an associated managerial challenge relates to their ongoing maintenance. In Tonga, there are limited government resources dedicated to the management and maintenance of public spaces at the village level. The TNA—with its limited budget—was unable to cover the cost of cutting the grass and purchasing petrol to sustain line markings. For example, in the village of Fua’amotu, one VVC explained the process for maintaining a netball court:

We have to cut the grass. My husband is in the army and he is cutting the grass, so he is coming to do the grass and then go[es] back to work. [Unfortunately], there is no one else to cut the grass and I am asking him to come and do it.

In an attempt to generate funding for court maintenance, local participants took matters in their own hands. A TNA staff member commented, “They [participants] go around houses and sweep the rubbish for people who give them money. So, the more engaged villages will be proactive in these ways to improve their netball resources.” This comment highlights the responsibility placed on villages and volunteers to support and maintain their playing spaces. This is particularly important given that inadequate spaces often constrain participation, as one VVC explained, “There is no netball at the moment because the grass is too long. It needs to be cut for people can play on it and so it is easier to run. We need money to do this.”

From a management perspective, it is essential to ensure there are resources and sustainable processes in place to maintain adequate and safe playing facilities (Schulenkorf & Siefken, 2019). In fact, these challenges represent a significant barrier for many small-scale SFH programs that are implemented in low-income settings such as Tonga. Moreover, the lack of court maintenance can have a negative impact on the perception of program quality, as well as subsequent participation rates and the image of sport organizations such as TNA (Cavnar et al, 2014). Hence, it is imperative for sport managers to not only look at the micro levels when planning SFH projects, but to also account for a wider service approach toward leisure and recreation at the meso and macro levels. In other words, to secure financial resources and leverage political support, strategic partnerships and long-term engagements with governmental department and offices are critical, including those responsible for sport, health, social services, community development, women and so on.

Events and Tournaments as Incentives

As part of its strategy to promote and increase overall participation in netball, the TNA had previously offered special events and tournaments for women teams. For this, villages selected, prepared, and entered teams and entered into training sessions over several weeks in the lead-up to special events. However, straight after events were completed, netball engagement in the local villages decreased and people did not continue to use the netball courts regularly. In other words, unless there was an event that served as an incentive for participation (e.g., upcoming tournament), local women did not engage with netball or other forms of PA. At the same time, once an event was completed, “the job seemed to be done”. This was reflected by one VVC:

They love playing in a tournament. But if we keep on training without aiming for a tournament, it’s like nothing to them [the participants]. People aren’t as bothered if there isn’t a tournament, so to keep them training every day, we need more regular competitions.

Additionally, a local participant stated the following:

The one thing that would get people playing is donating free food and free drinks. That will get people there! That is a Tongan thing and if there were tournaments that had a prize, that would help to get people to play.

Previous research has identified the importance of including “highlight events” as part of regular SFD initiatives to keep up the excitement for participants (Schulenkorf, 2016; Schulenkorf & Adair, 2013). This was certainly the case in Tonga, where program participants were often motivated by extrinsic incentives, including an event or tournament but also the awarding of trophies or prize money. Considering the importance of regular PA in addressing health issues, the reliance on “events only” would not seem sufficient. Instead, we propose that the creation of an event portfolio or “mini leagues” could be advanced to foster regular competition at the village level, serving to sustain excitement and engagement in the SFH program. Ideally, such activities would also include adjacent health promotion campaigns and educational sessions in an attempt to leverage the projects under an SFH umbrella (Schulenkorf & Schlenker, 2017).

Collaboration across local and national sports

In Tonga, the traditional sport for women and girls is “basketbola” which is a well-established game played in villages across the country, albeit primarily limited to the month of December around inter-village tournaments. The game has many similarities to netball: it is played on a netball-sized court, with netball hoops and a netball—and the only key differences are that there are nine players per side, rather than seven in netball, and that full contact is allowed when contesting for the ball. As noted earlier, the Tongan Government purposefully chose to engage with netball rather than the traditional sport of basketbola to provide a sense of novelty, and to leverage the visibility of the game for women and girls on Tongan television. Evidently, there were a number of practical and opportunistic reasons that contributed to the choice of netball, including aspects of funding, support, and the opportunity for regular, ongoing engagement. In a way, the locally supported decision to opt for netball rather than basketbola reflects a reality of decision-making in many disadvantaged community contexts where sport programs with national or international backing (e.g. basketball with Hoops for Life, volleyball with Volley4Change, or football with the Just Play program) provide intriguing alternatives for locals. In this context, we argue that the added focus on netball does not have to result in negative impacts or lower participation rates in basketbola. In fact, if community organizers and sport managers are working closely together, there may be opportunities for growth and leverage across the two sports which, in turn, could offer a more effective strategy towards achieving wider community health benefits.

Engaging in collaboration is not an easy task, however, even though the timing of events in Tonga would allow for netball and basketbola to co-exist. Tonga’s large-scale, village-based basketbola tournament runs every December and hence, a VCC suggested that “if netball speaks to basketbola and works out a good way to offer the sports at different times, so they are not competing against each other for the same women”. However, another VCC suggested there were cultural and sport-political barriers that impacted the game of netball to thrive in communities. He shared the following:

I do my best to get netball started here [in the village] and some of the women are changing their minds to support netball, but the village sport committee—they largely emphasize rugby and basketball, which makes it difficult to get people playing a new sport.

This statement suggests that although a strategic collaboration between a culturally embedded Indigenous sport and a newly introduced code such as netball could potentially lead to stronger and more sustained participation and health outcomes for the community, at times the reality on the ground presents a clash between culture and opportunity or tradition and innovation. A similar finding was previously shared by Khoo et al. (2014) regarding the engagement between cricket and kirikiti, the traditional form of cricket in the Pacific Island nation of Samoa. Here, sport-political and socio-managerial challenges needed to be addressed to allow for prosperous engagement between the two sports, which then allowed for growth and leverage of both the sport of cricket and its Indigenous version.

In the case of netball in Tonga, a further contributing barrier to people’s involvement was the lack of knowledge of formal netball rules and game strategies. Despite the many similarities across the two sports, one netball participant shared, “We need help. We need someone to come and to give more information about the rules and help us know how to play; that would make it more enjoyable.” Another one stated, “The number one sport in the village is basketbola and the number two sport is volleyball. They [other village members] don’t know the official rules of netball, so it isn’t played as much as the other sports.”

Overall, given these structural and cultural challenges, it was difficult for VCCs to organize formal netball sessions and ensure people could play according to the official netball rules. To be more effective in the future, it will come down to community leaders and TNA engaging in a collaboration that builds on newly established trust and focuses on the opportunities and cultural considerations when combining netball and basketbola in a meaningful way.